Forces in the Global South are also engaged on several fronts. Embracing eco-national-chauvinism, they propose to preserve ‘their own’ green spaces and natural resources by excluding (racialized) ‘others’. Not to be left out, strands of rightwing populism are also greening.
Reinventing themselves as proponents of a Green New Deal, they aim to recoup lost working-class support by linking the shift to renewable energy with high-paying union jobs. Adopting an expansive view of what it means to ‘defund the police’, the Movement for Black Lives demands a massive redirection of resources to communities of colour, in part to clean up toxic deposits that ravage health.Įven social democrats, lately complicit with or demoralized by neoliberalism, are finding new life in climate politics. Meanwhile, a new wave of anti-racist activism includes environmental injustice among its targets. Positing psycho-historical links between gynophobia and contempt for the Earth, they mobilize for forms of life that sustain reproduction-both social and natural. Feminists, too, are infusing new urgency into long held ecological concerns. Long engaged in defending their habitats and livelihoods from colonial invasion and corporate extractivism, they find new allies today among those seeking non-instrumental ways of relating to nature. Likewise, indigenous communities, North and South, have been winning wider support for struggles only lately recognized as ecological. Convinced that consumerist lifestyles are driving us into the abyss, they seek a transformation of ways of living.
At the same time, movements for degrowth are gaining strength. Chastising elders for stealing their future, these militants claim the right and responsibility to take all necessary steps to save the planet. A new generation of activist youth is insisting that we cease to evade the mortal threat posed by global warming. footnote 1 Even as pockets of denialism persist, political actors of multiple hues are turning green. C limate politics has moved to centre stage.
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